Society in India and Pakistan, 1
Based on the procedings of the seminar "The
Role Of Civil Society in Pakistan and India:
Peace, Conflict Resolution, Democracy" by Jang Group of Newspapers
(Pakistan) & Friedrich/Naumann Foundation (Germany), September
12-13, 1997 at Pearl Continental Hotel, Karachi.
Text edited by Khurram Ali Shafique and Farida Z.
present state of civil society in Pakistan and India
with special emphasis on the impact
of caste system and traditional values as well as social practices
which impinge on respect for human dignity
Dr. Manzoor Ahmad
Dr. Sri Ram Khanna
Mr. Abdullah J. Memon
Dr. Hamza Alvi
V. Raju (India)
Quotes from the
Under certain circumstances individual
freedom must accept restrains.
Harmony and conflict are part of life
more so of life in a society. And in a complex and diverse
society like India it would be utopian to look for conditions
of perfect harmony.
My right to pursue my life and ambitions
is restricted by the others right to pursue their life
and ambitions. And what is true of individuals is also true
If we have been able to survive as a nation
admittedly bumbling along and way behind in economic
development when compared to the communist China I
would say it is because we are a democracy [and] have the
opportunity every now and then to change government. And because
we are a democracy we have a vibrant civil society. We prefer
this path to that of dictatorship.
If at all we are looking forward to some
kind of a future, it is perhaps because of the activities
of voluntary organisations.
S.V. Raju Editor, Freedom First focused
on "An overview of the civil society in India: a personal interpretation."
Refraining from quoting others he underlined the personal nature
of his overview by stating that it has become a favourite pastime
now "to quote scripture (using the word in its
secular and not religious sense) for supporting this and that view
of ours without believing in that scripture ourselves, let alone
practising the spirit of the scripture.
While describing himself as "a
liberal with a capital L" Mr. Raju, however accepted that a
liberal government must not mean a weak government, rather a government
that could ensure the rule of law and create conditions where the
individual citizen has the opportunities to develop and which could
also attend to the basic needs pertaining to the infra-structure:
primary health, energetic policies for population control and primary
education. "But what we dont desire is a meddlesome government
that would keep interfering with what is the domain of the people:
the domain of the civil society.
He also mentioned that different groups
living in a heterogeneous society, each pursuing their own secular
or religious goals, must remain prepared to make adjustments in
their goals so as not to intrude upon the goals of the others
i.e. what may be described as "interdependence in freedom."
Mr. Rajus personal overview of
the Indian civil society presents the picture of an essentially
open society with (1) great freedom of press ("We dont
have paparazis yet but we are not far away), (2) a system of franchise
that yields generally free and fair elections (with, of course,
some exceptions particularly in what they call "bemaroo"
states, i.e. Bihar, Madhiapradesh, Rajhasthan and Uttarpradesh),
and (3) a reasonably good situation of law and order.
On the darker side, there are
other factors that constitute threat to the civil society. These
are described by him as the following. Lure for power. The leaders
are prepared to any degree of humiliation as long as they can
ensure that they would be included in the ministry. A case in
point is the Chief Minister Lallu Prasad Yadav. When he was
sent to jail by a court on the charges of frauds, he had the
cheek to appoint his wife as a chief minister to ensure
that upon his return he gets back his position. In another state,
a couple of totally dissimilar parties were seen entering into
coalition to share government on a six monthly rotation
of course, when the time came for the other party to take over
after six months, the coalition ran into troubles.
Large scale corruption, which
has not only destroyed the credibility of the politician but
of the polity itself. Candidates spend huge sums provided by
businessmen who treat these sums as investments which must provide
returns. "In recent years, criminals have not found it
necessary to have front-men as their candidates and have offered
themselves as candidates and have got elected." The press
is full, not just of stories like two gangsters forming political
parties in Bombay, but also of the data on criminals in all
parties who have been convicted or charged but have still managed
it to the assemblies.
Delayed justice and its denial to some
in the jail without trial. Since the independence, the legal system
has become a web of laws and by-laws so that a common citizen who
goes to the court in search of justice soon finds himself in an
enmesh of legal entangles that may go on for years. On the other
hand there is a general disregard for the human being and his rights
in a civil society "which not only results in jail without
trial but also numerous custodial deaths that are often hushed up
rarely are officers tried, found guilty and punished for
Communal disturbance is an issue which,
according to Mr. Raju, is generally related to the first problem.
"The Babri Masjid episode in my view was a calculated attempt
to secure Hindu support [adopted] as a short-cut by a political
party." On the other hand, as can be seen in the famous Shah
Bano Case of the late eighties, "the desire to secure the Muslim
vote led the ruling party under pressure from the fundamentalist
Muslims to pass amendment in the parliament to undo a Supreme
Court decision granting alimony to divorced Muslim women."
"In spite of the failing of the
state, or perhaps because of the failings of the state, civil society
is driving towards an increasingly participatory democracy."
As governments fail to fulfil their
roles in solving these problems, voluntary organisations or NGOs
are emerging in thousands "either to take on the work that
the governments failed to do, or compel governments to do the work
they were elected to do." The spectrum covered by these NGOs
is wide: non-formal education, social problems (such as conflicts
caused by the wide-spread violence), drug abuse, alcoholism, breakdown
of families, health, womens empowerment, drinking water, income-generation,
re-tooling (which is becoming a very important thing in the post-liberation
period), philanthropy, consumer education, consumer protection,
cancer research, AIDS prevention, combating superstition, and so
There is hardly any field of activity where you will not
find one or the other voluntary organisation, and, generally, people
are responding and stepping in.
A very distinct feature of the Indian
civil society is the emerging role of women in solving their own
and the others problems many village panchayats
are being run by women, and they appear to be doing a much better
job than men. "It is not a meherbani that we, the men
are giving them. They are now demanding it and getting it."
Indeed, they are far from being proxies. Rabri Devi Yadav, the wife
of Lallu Prasad Yadav, is one proof that the ingenuity required
by a housewife to run a home is
being put to a very good
use to run a state administration."
In case of the Dallits, Dr. Raju is
of the opinion that the reservations provided by the constitution-makers
for a fixed period were a good strategy for uplifting the depressed
classes. Even though such reservations have now become vote-getting
machines they have also helped a long-forgotten class to rise up
from the dust. The President of India belongs to the depressed class,
and he is also a highly qualified and competent person. Incidentally,
Lallu Yadav Prasad also belongs to the same class but Dr. Raju pointed
out that the charges of fraud against him should not be relevant
to any discussion on the participation of the depressed classes
because Brahmins like Rajiv Gandhi have also been accused of similar
Trade unions even if one may
accuse them of becoming a headache for the industries have
succeeded up to a great extent in securing the rights of the labour
and some of them have come up with extremely organised research
on relevant issues.
The future, therefore, is hopeful.
The civil society is on the rise to maintain and increase liberalism
the likely outlook of the nation, even if the governments fail to
do so. And the civil society itself is now being joined by those
classes that have remained peripheral in the history of India: the
women, the depressed classes, and the labour.
Quotes from the
Why does the west have civil
societies whereas we, in the East, have failed to develop
Ideologies are coercive. If you want to
develop societies please for Gods sake in so far as
the state is concerned try to avoid ideologies.
Civil society cannot develop if you have
a basically feudal structure in a country.
This population shift [from villages to
cities] has made it possible for people to speak about issues
related to civil society.
Number of voluntary groups working in Pakistan
is amazing. And also the number of good voluntary groups is
amazing. And the type of sacrifices they are making.
I always differentiate between theologies
and Islam and religion.
If intellectual activity does not start
in countries like India and Pakistan then civil society does
not have any future.
In a country like Pakistan when the feudals
and the bureaucrats join hands together then that is the worst
kind of despotism.
Dr. Manzoor Ahmad presented a backdrop
to the civil society in Pakistan, more from a "conceptual"
milieu than a "descriptive" one.
Even though the word "civil society" is
of a more recent origin some people say Hegel used it for
the first time nevertheless it can be dated back to the time
of the Greek philosophy, where it was used basically to distinguish
between different types of governments, such as the despotic government,
monarchy and democracy. For instance, in a despotic government the
gap between the ruler and the people is too wide and the despot
rules by fiat rather than by any rule: the public is under the direct
gaze of the despot. Democracies, on the other hand, are said to
be the type of government where there is a middle buffer
the civil society.
Dr. Manzoor expressed reservations about some of
the differences listed by other scholars between the East and the
West. For instance, Edward Saeed, in Orientalism, states
that the difference between the Oriental and the Occidental (Western)
thinking is that the West is rational, while the East is lazy. Others
have stated that the Eastern societies were "hydraulic societies"
arid areas require water management that can best be achieved
through strong centralised governments. Civil societies, on the
contrary, have developed mostly in bourgeoisie set-ups as a crucial
requirement of those economies. According to the views presented
by Max Weber, religion would be counted as one of the impediments
for the development of civil societies in areas like Pakistan.
Dr. Manzoors basic disagreement with
such theories is that "when they include Islam in the Orient
they make a mistake." The role Islam played in Spain and the
Mediterranean regions brings it out as an occidental religion rather
than an oriental one. Christianity, on the other hand, can more
easily be classified as an oriental religion that only in its later
phase developed ideas like Protestantism, etc., which helped development
of the free individual and the civil society.
The central question asked by Dr. Manzoor is this:
How come that a country like Pakistan basically a Muslim
country and other Islamic countries could not develop a civil
society? The implication is that Islam being an occidental religion,
the Muslim societies should have followed a similar course as the
Western societies (Edward Saeed says that the clearest differentiation
mark between the lazy Oriental thinking and the rational Occidental
thinking is the growth of civil societies under the latter.)
One possible reason is provided by certain scholars:
Muslim rule could not develop legitimate opposition. Morally it
was correct to say a brave word before the monarch but theological
it wasnt very correct unless you were sure you would be able
to change the society and bring order. That was a tall demand and
no opposition could legitimately undertake to fulfil it.
When one comes to the situation in Pakistan, there
is a peculiar syndrome to be observed. Dr. Ahmad describes it through
the following parameters:
- Any state that is desired to be established on
an ideology is likely to become coercive and intolerant, no
matter what that ideology is. Even if you take democracy as
an ideology it would becomes coercive and intolerant because
you start looking at the world from your perspective. Then you
may start movements in those countries that are doing very well
you may start insurgencies in those countries, as is
happening in the world today.
- "Theology, when it makes goodness in a
society dependant on a fiat or an order, is another reason for
the non-development of civil societies in countries like Pakistan."
In Islamic history a particular modality, a particular type
of theology was adopted that Dr. Ahmad calls "the theology
of command and obedience that a particular thing is good
because it has been commanded and another thing is unlawful
or not good because it has not been commanded." (It is
an old question: somebody asks in a dialogue of Plato whether
something is good because God has commanded it or whether God
has commended it because it is good.)
- Certain elements of the local society (essentially
Oriental) found their way to Islam when that Occidental religion
came to the regions now known Pakistan and India. The local
Oriental society "was a society in which there was a caste
system and the Brahmin was the ruling class." It was very
conducive to the Muslim governors to adopt this feature of the
local society so that they could replace the Brahmin whom every
one naturally obeyed. Another Oriental aspect that Islam borrowed
from the local society was mysticism. While it has its positive
values it has nevertheless at least two elements that are not
conducive to the development of civil society: (a) master-disciple
paradigm, where the disciple has to obey whatever the master
says ("You have to dip the prayer-mat in wine if the master
says so"), and (b) a tendency towards inactivity, mostly
through a belief in fate: if fate decides all, and if fate is
inevitable, then there is no sense in organised effort to change
- A particular type of feudalism, where the feudals
were placed in their position for particular reasons. "The
feudalism we have here is totally anti-democratic, anti-education,
anti-everything quite unlike the one that they had in
the Britain in the good old days which, in fact, caused the
industrial revolution." Micheal Foucault makes an interesting
observation: power and knowledge combine together. Since knowledge
is also a tool for power, especially in the modern world, the
groups in power in countries like Pakistan acquire sophisticated
knowledge but keep the public deprived of knowledge in order
to keep them powerless. In this manner even democracies can
become "very, very coercive. And coercion in democracy
comes through the bureaucracy."
On the positive side, Dr. Ahmad pointed out certain things happening
in India and Pakistan that auger well for the development of civil
- Demographic structures are changing. In 1947,
the population ratio between villages and cities was approximately
80 : 20. Now cities contain more than 50% of the total population.
Two positive results of this phenomenon are (a) an increased
awareness of the issues related to the civil society, and (b)
the possibility to exercise the freedom of vote.
- The numbers of NGOs that have come up to solve
various problems is so huge that even if 70% of them could be
proven corrupt there would still be a great number of the honest
ones left behind.
- Dr. Ahmad sees judicial activism as a positive
development that may contribute to the development of a strong
- The hold of the feudals is weakening.
- Dr. Ahmad points out that after the marginalisation
of religious parties, a serious attempt is being made for deconstruction
of theologies. Looking back at the history of the West, we notice
that intellectual activity was a major factor that supported
the rise of civil society. The increase in intellectual activity
(symbiotic with the deconstruction of theologies) is a very
Privatisation, which is happening rapidly, may have
its good and bad sides but it promises one great blessing: the replacement
of bureaucratic culture with trade and industrial activities. Remembering
that bureaucracy is the major channel through which coercion seeps
into a democratic set-up, the importance of privatisation can hardly
Ram Khanna (India)
Quotes from the
We will not allow our leaders to become
If you define civil society as people in
the quest of change in their community without having to get
involved in the race for power political power or any
other kind of power then I would I would define myself
as a member of the Indian civil society trying to bring about
change in what we see is wrong in our society.
India was among the top ten corrupt countries
of the world in the survey conducted by Transparency International
and it was a pleasant surprise for me to find out that
India and Pakistan were competing.
The NGOs working in the civil society of
India have created a social space for themselves: they are
When the Babri Masijid was demolished the
entire civil society spoke out in one voice against that demolition.
Last week the leaders of that incident have been charge-sheeted.
Because there exists a feeling of not allowing the religious
fundamentalism to take over and demolish the fabric of Indian
society which today includes ten crore Muslims.
Sri Ram Khanna from
Delhi University described the evils of the Indian society very
succinctly through the following indicators:
- corruption related to power quest,
- the extreme difference between the life styles
of those who live in poverty and those who live in luxury: while
some have noting to eat except wild flowers, others have enough
to spend on dinners in five star hotels,
- the common person has no recourse: if you are not
well-connected you cant get justice;
- fanning of religious differences by political parties
to increase their vote-banks: they work up negative emotions in
two months which are difficult to quench in years and decades.
Dr. Khanna described the more than 80,000 NGOs working
in India (at least twice as many good ones as the bad ones) as the
only factor contributing towards development of egalitarian values.
Among the examples of the NGOs contribution in this direction
he mentioned their role in:
- ensuring justice for the common person
- increasing options for women
- environmental protection
- health care initiatives
- civil rights litigation even against persons
from the armed forces
- slum development
- mass education even in domains that are
generally considered to be the domains of the universities, such
as science education.
- While describing the overall situation of the Indian
civil society as hopeful, Dr. Khanna also pointed out that the
South is generally stronger in this regards than the North, where
a common youth would be more concerned with the immediate personal
benefits rather than the long term collective gains before undertaking
any kind of social service.
A special dimension of Dr. Khannas speech was
his emotional emphasis on the human similarities between the Hindus
and Muslims living in India, and between the people of India and
Pakistan on the international map.
Dr. Khanna suggested that the poverty line does not
divide the Muslims and the Hindus in India: the Hindus who are poor
live in as much destitution as the poor Muslims. The human problems
are the same.
On the international plane the newer generation, born
after 1947, does not know so much about the differences that caused
the partition nor do they have memories of bitterness like their
elders who had witnessed the divide.
Himself born of a Hindu migrant from Rawalpindi, Dr.
Khanna spoke of the days of the United India as an era that had
lasted for thousands of years and whose impact in terms of
common legacies will hopefully contribute in lessening the tensions
created during the last fifty years by the political leaders alone.
Abdullah J. Memon (Pakistan)
Quotes from the
Why this resistance to the
growth of pluralism?
Even after independence, the state remained
all-pervading and overshadowed the civil society in a variety
Today in Pakistan also pressures are building
up from left as well as from right to limit the role of state
and to assign greater responsibility to civil society.
Abdullah J. Memon presented a brief overview of the
state of civil society in Pakistan. Like the rest of the world,
Pakistan also has witnessed a revigoration of the civil society
since the late 70s. "Two factors, one local and one global,
have contributed to the process."
The local factor was the replacement of certain sections
of the Pakistan Penal Code by the blatantly unjust Zina and Hudood
Ordinance of Gen. Zia-ul-Haque. This law required a rape victim
to bring four witnesses to the actual act of molestation, failing
which consent was presumed on the part of the raped woman and she
was liable to be prosecuted for adultery or fornication. Women form
all over Pakistan came together to protest against this new law
under the umbrella organisation of Womens Action Forum (WAF).
Subsequently another citizen body called War Against Rape (WAR)
also came into being to provide legal and moral support to victims
The global factor was the awareness of such issues
as (a) the damage done to the environment, (b) dissatisfaction with
quality and content of development, and (c) inadequate attention
to human rights generally and interests and rights of the marginalised
sections of the society particularly. This led to the emergence
of many NGOs working to prevent the damage done to the environment,
encouraging grassroot participation in the planning and execution
of development projects and safeguarding and protecting the human
rights. "In this connection the Human Rights Commission of
Pakistan (HRCP) deserves special mention for the pioneering work
they have done to safeguard the interests and rights of the poor,
the minorities, the women, as well as the rights of the ordinary
Mr. Memon pointed out that while the last two decades
have witnessed an increase in the volume of the civil society, "the
civil society in Pakistan was not absent or idle in the Colonial
Period either." However, the thrust of the activities of the
NGOs was altogether different in those times as well as in the years
following the independence. During the Raj days, social activism
tended to focus on collective services "rooted in bonds of
kinship or neighbourhood and on welfare activities." There
were funeral and welfare organisations generally called jamaats,
organised by kinsmen or neighbours for their mutual benefits. There
were also many welfare organisations, which established and managed
schools, dispensaries, orphanages and hostels, etc.
There were certain areas of social activity in which
the colonial government discouraged the civil society to assume
a major role. One example was trade union activities. Unfortunately
for Pakistan, even the native governments that came after the independence
continued to look at such activities as a threat to their own authority
and power. The climate therefore "proved hostile for the growth
of pluralism in Pakistan," so much so that the peasantry, which
was the principle interest group in the society, could never get
itself organised despite dedicated and persistent efforts of some
truly committed social activists.
Mr. Memon then probed into the question "Why
should not the Pakistani state welcome various voluntary institutions
and organisations in civil society to assume more and more such
social responsibilities and functions which can be shouldered by
such societies?" He mentioned two possible answers. Firstly,
that this could "alter the power relation I the Pakistani society
against the vested interests and in favour of the deprived sections."
But a deeper analysis of this issue leads to "that perennial
issue of the relationship between the state and the civil society."
Mr. Memon then dealt with the historical background of this issue
in some detail.
Mr. Memon proposed that the civil society was more
dominant in the beginning. Various issues were "handled by
autonomous institutions comprising of individuals who had fair interest
in certain specific matters." As the sphere of social activity
expanded with the advancement of civilisation, the interests of
these various groups in the civil society began to clash with each
other and led to the necessity of an intermediary power. This power
was assumed by the institution of the state. Hence the state came
into being for the basic purpose of conflict resolution in the civil
Among the various theories of state, the British political
philosopher Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) presented the theory of a
security state, involving almost complete subjection of the
individual by a state who should enjoy unlimited power. As opposed
to this, his country-fellow John Locke (1632 1704) came up
with the theory of a constitutional state in which the political
power would always be held on trust: those who govern civil society
are trustees of the governed and, therefore, cannot exercise unlimited
The ever-expanding role of the state gave rise, in
the late eighteenth century, to the need of putting limitations
on the powers of the state no matter whether those powers
are seen as a trust or a privilege. Thomas Paine (1737-1839), another
British philosopher, advocated the model of a minimum state,
where the state is deemed a necessary evil and the civil and natural
society an unqualified good. The legitimate state is nothing more
than a delegatee of limited power brought into being for the common
benefit of society: the more perfect a civil society is the more
it regulates its own affairs.
Contrasting this concept of the minimum state is the
Hegelian theory of the universal state. The German Philosopher
Friedrich Hegel (1770-1831) perceived the modern civil society as
a restless battlefield where one private interest meets another
private interest in a manner that tends to paralyse the societies
pluralism, thus undermining the very interests of the civil society
itself. Hence he professed the necessity of a supreme public authority
which could check the self-crippling nature of the civil society
and synthesise its particular interests into a universal political
community. Alexis de Tocqueville (1805-1859), the French historian
and moderate liberal politician became a vigorous opponent of this
universalist concept, which, according to him, ends up in the growth
of a new kind of elected state despotism, or the "tyranny of
the majority." The social life is overpowered by the political
institutions the state becomes the regulator, the inspector,
the advisor, educator, the punisher, all combined in one body. Tocqueville
is appalled by this development, which can sabotage the decisive
victories of democratic revolution. He agrees that minimising the
state powers alone cannot guarantee democratic freedom. What needs
to be done in order to resist the yoke of state despotism is to
distribute the power into the hands of various institutions and,
at the same time, to encourage the development of civil associations.
However, from the second half of the 19th
century the social systems became so complex that the dividing line
between the state and the civil society became increasingly blurred.
The historical factors that facilitated the domination of the state
over the civil society included the ever-increasing influence of
the labour movements and parties in Europe, the Bolshevik Revolution
in Russia, the two world wars and the concept of the modern welfare
The trend continued till the late 1970s when
the institution of the state came under attack both from the neo-conservatives
as well as the progressives though for different reasons.
Mr. Memon concluded with a pointer to the fact that
similar pressures can be witnessed as growing up in Pakistan from
extremely opposite sides. While the right-wing favours privatisation
and liberalisation so that the state is largely confined to the
affairs of internal and external security, the left wing wants to
see the weakening of the centralised and bureaucratised state so
that power could be devolved to grassroot levels. This is expected
to "put new life into the civil society and encourage self-reliance
and client participation at the local levels."
Dr. Hamza Alvi
Quote from the
Our forefathers were not HIndu-haters...
Dr. Hamza Alvi pointed out while reviewing the session
that the issues have been brought out in "two quite different
contexts": the system of civil society on one hand and the
government on the other, and how the actions of the civil society
affect the decisions of the politicians and the government.
The relationship between civil society in Pakistan
and its counterpart in India: how we perceive each other and what
sort of communications exist between us and how we can develop
them for better mutual understanding.
Q. How can Dr. Manzoor describe Pakistan
as an Islamic state when all the religious parties were against
its creation and the society itself has never given them mandate
Hameeda Khuhro, educationist and
In a sense I agree with you that Pakistan is a Muslim state [rather
than Islamic] but the problem is that your country is named the
Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the Constitution also declares
that sovereignty belongs to Allah. Even those political parties
who claim to be secular have to take refuge with the so-called
Islam. After all, who was it to introduce Friday as a holiday,
and to prohibit drinking in Pakistan?
I do not consider it an Islamic state, nevertheless,
the growth of the civil society (which does not mean public in
general) has been hampered by the introduction of these [Islamic]
provisions into your Constitution by fiat.
Dr. Alvi: [In support of Hameeda Khuhros
There seems to be a misunderstanding among the Indian
nationalist historians and equally among the religious Pakistani
historians who seem to agree, quite wrongly, that Pakistan was
created as an Islamic ideological state.
Dr. Manzoor Ahmad: I agree. But the problem
is that [if you look at the material that the Muslim League used
during its movement for Pakistan] whether those who wanted to
create Pakistan wanted an ideological state or not they nevertheless
caused confusion because they used the name of Islam and were
playing ethnic politics
the poor person was romanticised
into thinking that Pakistan would be a state where the Khulafa-i-Rashideen
would be ruling. And when it came into being he realised that
those who were now ruling Pakistan were neither interested in
Islam nor in good governance.
I think the problem in Pakistan is not Islam at
all, it is good governance. That is why I said that ideologies
are coercive and, again, Islamic ideologies are also coercive.
Fundamentalism, for a fundamentalist, is that Islam
is not complete without state power a thesis accepted especially
during the twentieth century even though it has existed in the
earlier stages of the Muslim history.
Jinnah Sahib did not want partition between India
and Pakistan he tried his best to avoid it. Supposing he
actually wanted the partition, then what he might have meant when
he talked about a secular state was that Islam gives certain social
values like justice and good governance.
There are strong indications in the Islamic history
that the early state i.e. in the days of the Khulafa-i-Rahideen,
was a secular state and not an Islamic state.
Q. If the focus of this seminar is on conflict-resolution
then I would like to bring out certain issues that seem to have
been side-tracked in todays proceedings. Firstly, the two
nation theory emerged because the Muslim nation perceived itself
as an out-caste nation, and that two leaders did not create Pakistan,
there was a huge force the force of the people who voted
in the 1946 election that created Pakistan
the rise of BJP has been placed on Pakistan a convenient
The caste has been identified as class in modern judicial
and legislative documents [of India]
The Supreme Court in
1995 defined the Indian nation as Hindutva
given a state funeral but buried within the graveyard of the Sisters
of Charity because of a fear of desecration of her remains
Shahida Jameel, lawyer
Mr. Khanna: The provisions made for
the outcast in the constitution have really worked well as they
have diminished the very reasons for which certain classes were
made outcast in the first place: today the deprived classes are
ruling the largest state in India.
Q. Is India a failed state in the context of state
level or is India not a failed state in the context of NGOs?
is no such thing as a failed state, there are only failed governments
as they come and go. That was also my immediate reaction when
I saw a feature in a newspaper with a heading Is Pakistan
a Failed State?
Source: The Role Of Civil Society in Pakistan
Peace, Conflict Resolution, Democracy: Procedings of the seminar
by Jang Group of Newspapers (Pakistan) & Friedrich/Naumann
Edited by Khurram Ali Shafique and Farida Z. Hemani
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