Muhammad
Ali Jauhar
Muhammad
Ali Jauhar (1878-1931) was tried and imprisoned for attempting to
stop the First World War (1914-18).
When war broke out in 1914,
Britain wanted the Ottoman Empire to fight on its side and the London
Times wrote a leading article to this effect. As a subject
of the British Empire, Jauhar could not openly ask the Turks to
stay away from war but he offered a balanced advice weighing the
pros and cons of war in a 40-column leading article in his English
daily, Comrade, on September 26, 1914. The newspaper was
banned, Jauhar was detained for most of the duration of the war
and the article was never allowed to be reprinted during the British
Raj.
The following is an excerpt
from the historical article, which was reprinted for the first time
in an anthology edited by Dr. Afzal Iqbal in 1987.
The Choice of the Turks
- [Introductory]
- Strassburg
and Salonika
- What
does Salonika say?
- Turkey's
"Riechland"
- The
opportunities of the Turks
- The
warners
- The
Turks and Russia
- The
Turks and France
- Turkey,
England and Egypt
- A
problem of law and morality
- What
should the Turks do?
- Caution
- What
must we do?
- The
test of conscience and of courage
- No
bribes!
Caution
We are not unappreciative of the temptations
and trials of the Turks; but even here a word of caution must be
uttered. They must not be lured by the blandishments of those opposed
to England and her Allies. They must remember that “War is
Deceit.” We desire from the bottom of our heart that this
may be the last of the wars, and that human intelligence and human
sense of justice may never know such constantly recurring eclipses.
But we are bound to admit that as things are today there are some
things worse than war. We shall not, therefore, pretend to believe
that the Turks must have peace at any price. They must beware of
entering into a quarrel, but once in it they must not come out of
it till the claims both of honor and self-interest are satisfied.
God knows they will have enough occasions to fight, for they have
to contend against numerous army corps of prejudice and passion.
That is all the more reason that they should fight only their own
battles and not those of another. At present the fear is that they
may be led into the firing line in a quarrel only outwardly their
own. The Turks are not wanting in gratitude. In fact, few nations
could equal the Turk in those characteristics which have extorted
for him even from his enemies the title of “The Only Gentleman
in Eastern Europe.” To quote the old Arab saying mentioned
by Gibbon, their women know not how to grant favors and their men
know not how to refuse. Every Indian whom we know who has had any
relations with them is loud in praises of their courtesy, which
is as natural to the peasant as to the price. But if courtesy is
one of their qualities, they also possess the defects of that great
quality. In matters of business they are imposed upon, and often
imposed upon knowing that they are being imposed upon. Now nothing
is a more serious business than war in which a nation can destroy
in a month in the way of life, energies and resources what it had
taken a generation to build. The Turk knows not what fear is, but
life can be valueless only to those in the lowest scale of humanity.
It is a rich treasure and a divine gift which we are not permitted
by our Maker to squander. We must learn in war even more than in
peace the importance and value of economy in human life. As regards
material resources the Turks have never had even so much as could
balance their peace requirements. All these considerations point
in the way in the direction of peace. This is not all. Almost every
other great nation of Europe has had peace for a generation or more.
Even Russia with her immense resources did not find herself equal
to a second world war three years after her first in which she had
to fight only a small island kingdom. She has launched this new
enterprise no less than a decade after her last war. France, Austria
and Germany have each enjoyed nearly half a century of peace. England
has not fought in a continental war for a century, and her little
war against two little peasant states of South Africa, which was
enough to prostrate her for many years after, was fought no less
than fifteen years ago. Servia [Serbia] and Montenegro alone are
fighting soon after their last war. But only a child could believe
that they are paying their own way. Turkey must therefore proclaim
a moratorium against her warlike instincts and her clamant revenge.
But if she cannot do so, and must enter this terrible business,
let her make sure that the quarrel is her own, that her good nature
and courtesy are not being imposed upon, and that she is not hatching
a cuckoo’s egg believing all the time that it is her own.
We cannot withhold our admiration from the German nation that is
facing the odds against itself with such courage and determination
and we sometimes find it hard to repress the expression of disgust
against the campaign of vilification that is being carried on with
greater vigor and persistence than is deserved by German action,
harsh and ruthless though they undoubtedly are. We have not even
once heard the phrase “military exigencies” applied
in that case, although the war is now nearly two months old, whereas
Italy was tried in the very first month of her war on much graver
charges of brutality, discharged and declared to leave the court
of Europe’s humanity without a stain on her character. A thousand
advocates had rushed to plead her cause unasked and had put forward
the solitary plea of “military exigencies.” The foremost
among them was once our own Commander-in-Chief, Lord Roberts, whose
testimonial an eminent Mussalman published in his quarrel with his
community. The Germans do not seem to have spared the living and
have rendered thousands of them homeless. But they have yet some
way to go down the ladder of inhumanity before they could descend
to the plane on which the dead are robbed of their last resting
place. Lest any one should suspect us of being isolated in having
these views and expressing them in order to excite others, let us
assure him in advance that he is woefully misled if he believes
that a vast majority of Indians think otherwise. Had the country
not been demoralized by the constant condemnation of unpalatable
truths and the repeated rewarding of cheap lies, everyone in India
would be confessing such admiration and sympathy openly. But admiration
and sympathy are one thing, making the cause of Germany our own
is another. If any cause can be ours it is the British, and if Germany
counts on us she is grievously mistaken. It would be bad business
for Turkey also to lavish on Germany the lives and energies and
resources that she needs for her own quarrels and that Germany never
spared for her when she was beset by still greater perils. We do
not wish to be cynical, and selfishness has not yet come to be regarded
as by us as a virtue. But self-preservation is the first law of
nature, and nature is inexorable and ruthless in punishing disobedience
to her Decalogue. Germany has done nothing yet for the Turks to
deserve the sacrifice of a single Anatol, much less a street riot
in single town or village of India by Moslem sympathizers of Turkey
with a view to embarrass their own Governments. This is what we
had felt impelled to tell that level-headed Turkish statesman, Taleat
Bey, in private, and through him that astute diplomat, His Highness
Prince Said Halim, and that soul-inspiring soldier, Damad Enver
Pasha. This is what we said to the Turkish nation publicly in brief
on a recent occasion. This is what we say today in greater detail
and without the least effort at disguise. We ask forgiveness for
inflicting what are after all truisms and platitudes on a nation
no less gifted than most of those that have been lecturing her in
season and out. We do not in the least mean to insult the intelligence
of Turkey, and to convince her of it we frankly confess that whether
her choice is peace or war, the consequences will be hers and not
ours. Hence she must exercise her own judgment and surrender it
to none. If she chooses badly the suffering will be entirely hers,
though the sorrow will be ours also. It was not because we believe
that she is incapable of weighing these elementary considerations
that we have said all we have said. It was merely to satisfy the
promptings of our own heart, for it beats in unison with the Turks’.
If after balancing all considerations they decide for peace, we
pray that it may, as it should, prove profitable to them. If, however,
they decide for war, we shall mingle our prayers with theirs and
ask for divine protection. But if, by some evil chance, they engage
in hostilities against our own Government, we shall ask them to
pray for us also, for they can hardly imagine the mental anguish
and the heart-pangs that will be ours. We shall be torn between
two passions, or rather the same passion will be warring with itself
within us. When in a household the parents fall out, whichever of
them may be at fault the children are bound to suffer. That will
be out plight, and we shall deserve all the sympathy that we may
secure.
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Source: Writings
and Speeches of Maulana Mohamed Ali (1944/1987) by Dr.
Afzal Iqbal. Islamic Book Foundation, Lahore
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